|
OSCAR GERARDO
Universidad Autónoma BENJAMIN TONEY
University of Southern California Recibido
|
Museums as social and cultural spaces for active
ageing: evidence, challenges, and opportunities Abstract: The work addresses access to Museums as cultural spaces by older
adults in Mexico. The access, use, and knowledge they have regarding museums
are analyzed. The analysis is carried out by rural or urban origin, travel
time, gender, education levels, among other variables. The database used is
the Museum Statistics for 2017 published by INEGI in 2018 and the method used
consisted of crossing variables. The National Statistical Directory of
Economic Units database was accessed to cross-check statistical information
with georeferenced points of museums throughout the country. The work adds
two different dimensions of study, 1) to the studies of aging and old age,
when verifying the mobility, cultural interests and social connectivity of
the elderly and, 2) to the studies on museums and cultural spaces, by
demonstrating the persistence of access and interest on the part of older
adults. Keywords:
Museums; Elderly; Social Connectedness; México; access to cultural
spaces.
Los museos como espacios
sociales y culturales para el envejecimiento activo: evidencia, desafíos y
oportunidades Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el acceso de adultos
mayores de México a los museos como espacios culturales. Se analiza el
acceso, uso y conocimiento que tienen respecto a ellos. El análisis se
realiza bajo las siguientes variables: origen rural o urbano, tiempo de traslado,
género, nivel educativo, entre otras. La base de datos utilizada es las
Estadísticas de Museos del año 2017 (INEGI) y se usó el método de cruce de
variables. Se accedió a la base de datos Directorio Estadístico Nacional de
Unidades Económicas para cruzar información estadística con los puntos
georreferenciados de museos en todo el país. El trabajo agrega dos
dimensiones de estudio diferentes, 1) a los estudios del envejecimiento y
vejez, al comprobar la movilidad, intereses culturales y la conectividad
social de los adultos mayores y, 2) a los estudios sobre museos y espacios
culturales, al demostrar la persistencia del acceso e interés de los adultos
mayores. Palabras
clave:
Museos; personas
adultas mayores; vinculación social; México; acceso a espacios culturales.
Cómo citar Hernández, O. y Toney B. (2021). Museums as social
and cultural spaces for active ageing. Evidence, challenges, and
opportunities.
Culturales,
9, e588. https://doi.org/10.22234/recu.20210901.e588 |
Introduction. The context of the new wine geographies
Roughly 10% of the
population of Mexico is over the age of sixty – and the gross number can be
expected to continue to increase as age cohorts age. This demographic group
increased from 3.5% to 10.4% of the total population between 1900 and 2015 when
they reached 12 million, a momentous demographic shift in age distribution. The
ageing index – the number of older adults -people 60 years and older- per 100
children – grew from 16 in 1990 to 21 in 2000 and has reached 31 in 2015. The
median age has grown from 19 in 1950 to 23 in 2000 and 27 in 2015 (INEGI,
2015). Mexico City is the oldest state with a median age of 33, while Chiapas
is the youngest with median age 23. Mexico’s demographic shift is widely
studied for its expected consequences and future challenges (Ham, 1999; Partida, 2005). As more people are living longer lives,
there are accompanying social, institutional, and cultural shifts that are
needed to ensure that older inhabitants of Mexico can survive and thrive.
One
component of great importance to that ability concerns access to cultural
spaces for the recreational, educational, and social benefits that these spaces
can support. As such, museums have the potential to play an important role in
supporting the ageing needs of elders. We analyze 2017 data from the Museum
Statistics database published and managed by the National Institute of
Statistics and Geography of Mexico (INEGI). The database consists of data
collected by museum personnel during visits as well as characteristics about
Museum Institutions. The data show how older adults can make use of museums
relative to younger adults, and in turn, raises important questions for
designing programs and institutions that effectively support Active Ageing.
Active Ageing is a
timely framework for the reasons previously mentioned. While populations
globally are ageing due to progress in healthcare and food access, many
societies are now faced with larger elderly populations with distinct social
and cultural needs. In this paper, we seek to characterize museum access and
use patterns by elderly adults at the national level and compare those to
patterns of younger adults. We also disaggregate some elderly use patterns
across gender (reported in the survey as a binary variable between male and
female). We hypothesize that aged 60+ elderly adults’ use of museums often
differs from the use by younger adults between the ages 18-59. On social
dimension variables, we expected older adults to be less likely to have
received family stimulus for cultural consumption, more likely to be first time
visitors, more likely to visit alone (related to social isolation), and likely
to be less educated than their younger adult peers.
On access dimension
variables, we expect a higher reliance on public transit use and walking by
younger adults, greater times traveled by older adults, and lower rates of
participation by older rural adults compared to younger rural adults due to a
combination of transportation access and bodily ability differences among older
residents. For the purposes of this paper, we will not be able to definitively
explain the reasons behind the differences observed, but we can suggest
possible explanations and avenues for further research. Based on the patterns
observed, Museum Institutions may consider specialized programs and service
considerations to support active ageing functions to attract older patrons and
create spaces that older adults can use to increase their active aging and
social connectedness. Table 1 shows hypotheses based on the variables we
studied, grouped according to the Active Ageing framework proposed by the World
Health Organization (2002).
Table
1. Hypothesizing based on Active Ageing dimensions.
|
Active
Ageing Dimension |
Hypothesis |
||
|
Survey
Variable |
Younger
Adults |
Elders |
|
|
Social |
Family
Stimulus |
More
Likely |
Less
Likely |
|
|
1st Visit |
Less
Likely |
More
Likely |
|
|
Visit
Alone |
Less
Likely |
More
Likely |
|
Personal |
Reason
for Visit |
Learning |
Accompaniment |
|
|
High Education
Level |
More
Likely |
Less
Likely |
|
|
Method of
Discovery |
Family/Internet |
Relational |
|
|
Use of
Services |
Exhibit |
Exhibit |
|
|
Reported
Learning |
Likely
Higher |
Likely
Lower |
|
Physical |
Rural
Visitors |
Likely
Higher |
Likely
Lower |
|
|
Time
Travelled |
Likely Lower |
Likely
Higher |
|
|
Visit
Duration |
Likely
Higher |
Likely
Lower |
|
|
Mode of
Transit |
More
Transit |
More Auto |
Source: based on WHO
(2002)
Literature Review
Active ageing, as a
novel and prominent paradigm within ageing studies, offers various analytical
approaches (WHO, 2002; Walker, 2009; ILC, 2015; Ramos et al., 2016;
Salazar-Barajas et al., 2017), but generally centers the perspective
that ageing is a positive and important part of life, contrary to past studies
and approaches in which ageing is more associated with death and deterioration
(Fernández-Ballesteros et al., 2013). “Active Ageing” is defined by the
World Health Organization (WHO) as “the process of optimizing opportunities for
health, lifelong learning, participation, and security to enhance the quality
of life as people age” (WHO, 2002: 12). To further specify, optimizing health
includes physical health status, mental health, and social connectedness. Some
results suggest that interventions on social isolation could improve structural
social support, functional social support, loneliness, and mental and physical
health (Dickens et al., 2011). In its 2002 report, Active Ageing. A
Policy Framework, the World Health Organization (WHO) makes clear that
“active” refers to “continuing participation in social, economic, cultural,
spiritual and civic affairs, not just the ability to be physically active or to
participate in the labor force” (2002: 12). The WHO policy framework focuses on
six components for active ageing: Behavioral Determinants, Health and Social
Services, Economic Determinants, Social Determinants, Physical Environment, and
Personal Determinants. Some of those determinants are related to systems and
services that might be offered to the elderly by the state or by market actors.
Others connect more closely to elders’ practices or their backgrounds.
Figure 1. Active ageing. Determinants.
Source:WHO, 2002.
We
highlight three determinants of the Active Ageing framework for our purposes,
as seen in Figure 1. The first concerns Social Determinants, which focus
on preventing loneliness, social isolation, illiteracy, and lack of education,
all of which are related to older people’s risk of disabilities and early death
(WHO, 2002: 28). Various studies have demonstrated that social support and
connectedness prevent stress and can reduce the rate of decline of physical and
mental well-being (House et al., 1988; WHO, 2002, ILC, 2015). Rowe and
Kahn (1998) have concluded that social integration is a key factor to
successful ageing (Rowe & Kahn, 1998). Belonging to a group that
shares interests and activities, volunteering, strong intergenerational
relations, long-time friendship (former workmates, schoolmates, or neighbors)
shapes not only social networks for elderly people but also influence their
abilities to stay informed and connected in a society that is becoming more and
more digitally driven (Gonzalez-Oñate et al.,
2015; Jung & Sundar, 2016).
Though
ageing is associated with social isolation, elders use various strategies to
maintain social connections and build new relationships. In response to
sedentary and less mobile lifestyles in older age, going to a museum can be a
means to avoid reduced physical activity and its consequences (Palmer et al.,
2019). Leisure time and social activities can decrease isolation - leading to
depression, cognitive impairment, and mortality (Lubben,
2017). Indeed, there is a scholarship that characterizes museums as a social
experience (Coffee, 2007). Access to knowledge of their social space,
including leisure activities, also is key to active ageing and social
connectedness (Sinclair & Grieve, 2017; Cardozo et al., 2017).
According to literature (González-Oñate, et al.,
2015; Sinclair & Grieve, 2017; Yu et al., 2018), older adults use of
the internet, including Social Network Sites (SNS), is increasing, which could
serve as a way elders discover museums and other social engagement options. Also, studies on SNS have shown
that these technologies can improve their quality of life by reducing social
isolation while promoting and nurturing their social ties and new relationships
(Mo et al., 2018), and also improving their access to social benefits (Yu et
al., 2018).
The second
determinant group we use is Personal Determinants. Literature evaluating museum
use demonstrates that elderly visitors are generally interested in visiting
museums (Rogers 1998, Tufts & Milne 1999). Prior knowledge (Antón, Camarero, & Garrido, 2018) and post-visit activity
(Antón, Camarero, & Garrido, 2019) have been
linked to satisfactory experiences among visitors in general. Affect, and
emotion have also been widely understood to be important factors in shaping
museum use and satisfaction (Del Chiappa, Andreu,
& Gallarza, 2014). Fewer studies specifically
focus on elder patrons as units of study. Elottol
& Bauhaudin (2011) studied the perception and
satisfaction of elderly museum patrons in Malaysia. They find that satisfaction
among elderly patrons is related to interior pathway design and circulation
accessibility (Elottol & Bauhaudin,
2011: 277). Retcho (2017) studied elderly visitors
with and without dementia as a part of the Meet Me at MoMa
program which, specifically targeted elders with early-stage Alzheimer’s
disease; findings included some evidence of a positive effect on reported
affect, an important factor in active ageing.
The
third determinant of focus is the Physical Environment. Age-friendly
environments have been noted to be key in supporting active ageing (Pregazzi, 2017; Zamorano et
al., 2012; Sánchez y Cortés, 2016). Studies from
gerontological planning of the physical and social environment perspective
suggest that there is still a lot to do regarding spatial mobility for older
adults in Latin America (Salas & Sánchez, 2014; Sánchez y Cortés, 2016).
Pioneers of ageing studies in Mexico warned about the lack of readiness of
certain urban systems facing the ageing process (Welti,
2001; Serrano et al., 2009). Nowadays, diverse research focuses on
analyzing and preparing cities and programs to offer friendly and accessible
spaces for older adults (Pregazzi, 2017; Zamorano et
al., 2012). Recent studies focus on human rights for the elderly (Huenchuan & Rodríguez-Piñeiro,
2010; Rodriguez et al., 2018) and also on their autonomy, mobility, and
adaptation (Hernandez, 2018). With respect to museums, the number of museums
and their spatial distribution likely impacts elders’ use.
Graph
1 illustrates the temporal pattern of Mexican Museum openings since the
beginning of the 20th century. Over 90% of the museums cataloged in the DENUE[1] database opened in 1970 or later. Museums
became more involved in economic, political, and social issues from the 1970s
(Prince, 1990). This was because culture took on a more central role within the
social consciousness that connected territory, museums, and society (Gilabert & Lorente, 2016)
through a “dialectic interrelation between culture, identity and heritage”
(Alonso, 1993; cited in Gilabert and Lorente, 2016: 58). We consider this an important
pre-condition for elders to rely on museums to express and satisfy social and
cultural interests over time.
Graph 1. Evolution of museums openings in México.
Source: INEGI, 2018
The
1970s represented a shift in museum policy marked by the decentralization of
cultural institutions in México. This shift included an increased focus on
“grassroots cultural activities, [as] the celebration of the cultural heritage
of the indigenous, the rural, and the popular sector, became one of the central
topics of cultural policy since the 1970’s” (Komatsu, 2003: 2). The geography
of museum locations has dispersed in concert with the expansion in numbers both
in rural and urban areas, which is relevant to residential proximity and
transportation access today.
By
doing so, museums began to connect collections and topics with the context and
social environment where they locate (Romero de Tejada y Picatoste,
2002; cited in Gilabert and Lorente,
2016: 86). During this period, the number of museums skyrocketed due to growing
publicly funded museums, private art collections made available to the public,
and community museums.
It is
important to note that a variety of museums may include variations on how
individual institutions are run. Shieldhouse (2011),
for example, demonstrates how the role of institutional planning and
implementation can affect the number of visitors and the quality of visits for
UNESCO World Heritage sites in Mexico.
The
degree to which museum operation in Mexico specifically targets the
accommodation of elderly patrons likely varies across institutions and may be a
useful avenue for future research. Map 1 (using geolocation data from DENUE)
and Table 2 (using museum municipality data and urban/rural status by
population from INEGI) show patterns of museum location nationwide.
Table 2.
Location of museums by rural or urban. México.
|
Museum
Location |
Urban Municipality |
Rural Municipality |
||
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
|
Mexico |
1,126 |
89.8 |
130 |
10.1 |
Source: INEGI, 2018.
Map 1. Museums by rural and urban location.
México.
Source: INEGI, 2010 (Geostatistic)
and 2019 (DENUE).
Existing
literature on transportation mode choices does not yet expansively cover
patterns in Mexico, and much less research is explicitly dedicated for trips to
cultural recreation destinations among elderly residents. Guerra (2014)
demonstrates that in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area, the relationship
between the built environment and Vehicle Kilometers Travelled (VKT) among
driving households likely strengthened between 1994 and 2007, though the
relationship was not substantially different than in U.S. cities. In a study of
mode choice in the 100 largest urban areas in Mexico, Guerra et al.
found men to be less likely than women to use transit than to drive, bike, or
walk, while car use was more likely than transit use for residents up to 44
years of age than for residents older than 44 (Guerra et al., 2018:
102). Harbering and Schlüter (2020) find a similarly
gendered pattern in the Metropolitan Area of the Mexico Valley, where women are
more likely to use transit than cars, and add that higher education is
positively associated with car use. Other studies outside of Mexico (O’Fallon
and Sullivan, 2003) indicate that car usage can be expected to be higher for
leisure trips in some cases.
Lastly, we take
into consideration differences among male and female reporting respondents
among the elderly age group. Studies on the relationships between gender and
ageing have deep roots in demographic and ageing studies. Active Ageing
frameworks have frequently been applied in the Global North. Montero López et
al. (2011) find in Spain some evidence of objective and perceived health
declines to be more severe in women among a group of 456 elders (Montero López et
al., 2011: 608). Foster & Walker critique the dominant productivist frames of active aging in the European Union,
which “largely ignore the different needs of older men and women” (Foster &
Walker, 2013: 7), suggesting in its place a life course approach that validates
needs at different stages of life and decouples the deserving of support from
economic productivity.
Studies about
gender in old age point to several differences among men and women, this is
undoubtedly influenced by the fact that women can be disadvantaged in
comparison to men when it comes to labor, income, and educational attainment (Freixas, 1997; Muñoz & Espinosa, 2008; Fernández-Mayoralas et al., 2015). Safety is a concern that
affects both transportation and the use of public space (Yavuz & Welch,
2010). Longer life expectancy worldwide can mean that some older women spend
aged years alone (Muñoz & Espinosa, 2008). Muñoz and Espinosa highlight
that gender is “a cross-sectional determinant of active ageing and reflects
huge disadvantages of older women” (2008: 305). While this study cannot speak
to speak directly to health and socioeconomic dimensions specifically,
including gender analysis helps to understand challenges and opportunities for
policies, facilities, institutions, and academic research to support active ageing
outcomes for people of different identities who may have different needs.
To investigate
the three components of an active ageing framework on Mexican visitors to
museums, we compare adults aged 18-59 to adults 60 and overusing crosstab
analysis. To expand further, we apply a gender analysis to disaggregate older
visitors into male and female respondents to determine if gender differences
appear in elderly visit characteristics.
Data and Methodology
Studies on cultural
access and cultural consumption regarding museums in Mexico continue to grow.
During the 1980s and 1990s, research on museums and cultural access
accelerated, but still, it is short nowadays (Schmilchuk,
2012; García, 1993 & 1999; Rosas 2002 & 2007). Scholars have noted a
political dimension to using time to visit spaces conceived for leisure and
information. The use of time “constructs us as citizens, as social individuals,
it impulses or bans us to think, feel and act on reality and on ourselves” (Schmilchuk, 2000: 79). Schmilchuk (2000) advocated for a better understanding of the
experience of museum use and thus for better databases about museums and their
visitors. She emphasized the necessity of knowing more about those elements to
improve not only museums per se but visitors’ investment (in time spent
and physical effort) and visitors’ perceptions.
There
is a relatively short list of databases related to cultural access and venues
in Mexico. The most recent effort is the Estadistica
de Museos. It ran in 2016, and it is planned to
continue yearly. This database allows users to learn more about museum
institutions, access, size, and their visitors. The database has three
components – a survey of museum institutions’ characteristics, museum
institutions’ volunteership and social service
offerings, and museum visitors’ characteristics collected in interviews of
patrons by museum staff.
In
response to García’s (1993) claims about museum use data, the Estadísticas de Museos database
makes a great improvement in showing museums’ and visitors’ characteristics. We
worked with the database of the year 2017, which featured 171,627 individual
patron responses. After dropping missing data, unspecified responses, museum
visitors not from Mexico, elders above age 97 who had been grouped under a
single code, and youth aged 13-17, the final sample we used was 129,652
individuals, of which 10,419 were 60 years or older. Some key assumptions
impact our use of this data. Firstly, since patrons were interviewed by museum
staff, it is possible that patrons willing to spend additional time to
participate were predisposed to report more favorable outcomes.
There
are also general assumptions about precision and accuracy in self reporting on
variables like travel time. The survey also does not ask if the travel was
specifically to visit a museum or if visiting one was added as part of a larger
trip. Other limitations from this database include a lack of information about
visitor’s socioeconomic status and travel distance. However, municipality of origin
and travel time help illustrate where older and younger adult patrons come from
and how long they are willing to travel.
Further,
the structure of data for some responses required some manipulation. For
example, educational attainment data
was reported across two variables – the highest level of education reached and
whether that level was completed. To group individuals by educational
attainment, we assigned individuals to the highest level completed. In
addition, because levels of education were spread across 9 categories (ninguna, Primaria, Secundaria, Estudios técnicos con secundaria terminada, Normal básica, Preparatoria o bachillerato, Estudios técnicos con preparatoria terminada, Licenciatura, Maestría o doctorado), we
collapsed those levels into 5 categories (none, Less than High School, High
School, Bachelor’s Degree, Master’s Degree or Higher).
In addition,
respondents answered yes or no to a series of questions regarding whom they
visited and their motivations to visit, and each respondent has the ability to
select multiple responses. We present the percentage of respondents who
reported a given motivation or type of companion to compare these variables.
Findings
Social and Personal Dimensions of Museum
Use
In the context of active
ageing (WHO, 2002; Fernández-Ballesteros et al., 2013; Rowe & Kahn
2015; Fernández-Mayoralas et al., 2015, ILC,
2015), social activity and connectedness are vital for health and daily life
issues for the elderly. Likewise, the continuous search for knowledge and
satisfaction of curiosity is an important element in active and successful
ageing. We investigated social dimensions of museum use with the following
questions: with whom do older adults go to museums? What motivates them to go
to a museum? Is it to accompany somebody or for personal reasons and interests?
Do they have established preferences to visit museums? By what means do older
adults find out about the existence of museums or exhibitions?
In
addition to their role as places of history, knowledge, and memory (Sandell, 2003), museums also serve as points for meetings,
for social, academic, and cultural activities (Camic
& Chatterjee, 2013; Antunes & Jesus, 2018). To investigate a social
dimension of visitors’ cultural background, we analyzed if respondents received
family stimulus for cultural consumption during their childhood. Among all
respondents, 85,077 (65.6%) said they received family stimulus for cultural
consumption during childhood. Of that group, 4,911 were age 60 or older,
representing about 47% of the sample’s total 10,419 persons aged 60 or over.
The younger adult groups received family stimulus much more frequently at about
67% of the time.
Table 3. Family Stimulus and First Visit to a
museum. México.
|
Received Family Stimulus for Cultural Consumption |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
80,166 |
67% |
4,911 |
47% |
|
No |
39,067 |
33% |
5,508 |
53% |
|
First Time Ever Visiting a Museum |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
81,562 |
68% |
6,676 |
64% |
|
No |
37,671 |
32% |
3,743 |
36% |
Source:
INEGI, 2018.
We
also analyzed if the visit they were surveyed was their very first visit to any
museum. Table 3 shows reported first visits for 68% (81,562) and 64% (6,676) of
the younger adult and elderly adult respondents, respectively. This finding was
inconsistent with our expectations, though the proportion of first-time
visitors was similar among the age groups we constructed. The proportion of
elders visiting for the first time might decline over time as younger cohorts
that have already visited a museum age into their elder years; until then,
programming implications include engaging first-time visitors across age
groups.
To
examine how visitors’ preexisting social relationships shaped visits, we
analyzed companions during visits. 1,494 (14%) of older adults went alone,
while 8,925 went with someone. This suggests that elders are able to use
museums to engage as individuals as well as to reproduce existing relationships.
The most common companions for the elderly were relatives, with 55% (5,716),
friends (14% or 1,461 individuals), followed by partners (11% or 1,190
individuals).
The
expectation was to see a higher share for tourist companions, but it only appeared
for 5% of the elderly respondents. As expected in comparison to younger adults,
elders seldom visited with companions related to school or work. Data regarding
companions for the young and old groups can be seen in Table 4.
Table 4. Accompaniment by Age Group. México.
|
Nobody |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
14,162 |
12% |
1,494 |
14% |
|
No |
105,071 |
88% |
8,925 |
86% |
|
Relative |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
57,544 |
48% |
5,716 |
55% |
|
No |
61,689 |
52% |
4,703 |
45% |
|
Romantic Partner |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
16,996 |
14% |
1,190 |
11% |
|
No |
102,237 |
86% |
9,229 |
89% |
|
Friend |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
23,348 |
20% |
1,461 |
14% |
|
No |
95,885 |
80% |
8,958 |
86% |
|
Coworker |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
2,827 |
2% |
213 |
2% |
|
No |
116406 |
98% |
10,206 |
98% |
|
Schoolmate |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
6,411 |
5% |
106 |
1% |
|
No |
112,822 |
95% |
10,313 |
99% |
|
Tourist Group |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
Yes |
1,640 |
1% |
572 |
5% |
|
No |
117,593 |
99% |
9,847 |
95% |
Source: INEGI, 2018.
Huijg and
colleagues (2017) define Plans and Wishes
as important factors during old age. The top three motivations elderly visitors
reported for their visit were for general cultural engagement (51%), to learn
something (31%), and finally, to accompany somebody (26%). For the younger
adults, the same top three motivations were reported at the following rates:
cultural engagement (45%), learning (31%), and accompanying another (25%). For
the elderly, cultural motivations were higher than the population average. This
pattern was surprising since fewer of them received family stimulus-suggesting
that the impetus for cultural engagement comes from multiple sources. These
reports from visitors demonstrate the intent to use museums for precisely the
types of activities that support active ageing. Some research has found that
the elderly see museums as options to be active, engaged, and healthy (Hovi‐assad, 2016; Huijg et al.,
2017) since it is an activity that makes them go out move and
interact with their surroundings.
Educational
background is another important dimension of active ageing. Table 5 shows the education levels of visitors
compared to nationwide averages by age groups. We find that, contrary to
expectations, elderly visitors are, in fact, more likely to have higher
educations than the younger adult visitors in addition to having higher
educations than the population at large. Such a pattern could be the result of
self-selection where education level relates to an interest in visiting, the
result of barriers to entry where education level relates to sociospatial advantage and facilitates easier access for
the educated, or a combination of the two. However, elderly visitor populations
had proportionally larger groups with little to no education. This would be
consistent with the finding that many elderly visitors report learning (31%) as
a motivation to visit –older adults with lower educational attainment may see
museums as an opportunity for continued learning. Regardless, it is clear that
the universe of visitors we studied is not representative of the larger
population on educational attainment, a pattern relevant for institutions
prioritizing inclusion among diverse elder populations.
Table 5.
Educational levels. Estadística de museos sample vs. Nationwide averages. México.
|
Education
Level |
Population (18-97) |
Visitor (18-97) |
Visitor (18-59) |
Visitor (60-97) |
|
(N =
55,036,609) |
(N= 129,652) |
(N =
119,233) |
(N= 10,419) |
|
|
None |
10% |
0% |
0% |
2% |
|
Less than
High School |
49% |
22% |
21% |
34% |
|
High
School |
20% |
37% |
39% |
20% |
|
Bachelor's |
3% |
34% |
34% |
33% |
|
Master's
or Higher |
2% |
7% |
7% |
11% |
Source: INEGI, 2018.
We
also investigated the method of discovery among different visitors. Literature
refers to the importance of prior knowledge to the experience of museum
visitors, and thus how individuals find out about exhibits/museums may
influence the active ageing potential of museums. Older visitors reported
social relationships like friends and family (32.3%), past knowledge of the
museum (22%), followed by Offices of Touristic Information (11%) were the top
three ways they encountered the museums. Younger visitors reported slight
differences, learning of the museums by friends and family relatives (31%),
teachers (15%), and past knowledge of the museum (15%). Internet use was low
among both groups, though lower as expected among the older visitor group. Only
3% of older adults said they used SNS, and only 6.2% used the Internet to know
about the museum. We also explored whether the visit to a museum was planned or
not, considering that planning activities can be important to maintaining
physical and mental well-being for elders (Huijg et
al., 2017). We found out that 52% of the overall visitors did plan their
visit. Rates were similar among the older adult groups (54% or 5,642) and the
younger adult groups (52% or 62,090) in planning visits prior to attending
museums. Older adults planned slightly more frequently, but overall large
portions of both groups chose to visit more spontaneously, an ability likely
influenced by the freedom of time, spatial proximity, and transportation
access.
How a
museum is used helps to understand its potential as a site for active ageing;
thus, we explored use patterns. The use of services followed similar patterns
among age groups. The top three services were the exhibitions (91.5%), guided
visits (30.4%), and the stores/gift shops (17.3%), which each had similar
response rates among older and younger adults alike. None of the other services
polled in the survey, were used by more than 6% of the sample. Service use can
partly be explained by service provision, which was measured from the museum
characteristics database (N=1,256).
With
respect to the two most commonly used services, 96.5% of museums featured
exhibitions, and 83.7% featured guided visits. However, there were cases where
commonly provided services were seldom used. 44% of museums offered arts and
cultural activities, while only 5.1% of survey respondents reported using them.
Meanwhile, there were also cases where use was sizable despite less frequent
provision. Though only 27.0% of museums reported stores or gift shops, 17.3% of
patrons still reported using them. This is consistent with former studies,
including Rogers (1998), which demonstrated how gift shops have become
increasingly important to balance the books in museum contexts in which funding
becomes precarious. Of note is the gap between the rate of provision of ability
devices to support physical ability (14%) and the rate of use by visitors
(0.4%). It may be the case that individuals with less physical ability face
transportation challenges in reaching museums or may bring their own devices
and therefore lack the need for temporary options. However, greater support
inside and outside museums is likely needed to ensure active ageing can occur
despite ability differences.
As
part of the social determinants involved in active ageing, nurture of education
keeps elders socially connected and active within society. This gives them
tools to keep their knowledge updated and avoid social isolation and the
consequences that come with it. Curiosity has many places and times for satisfaction,
and certainly, museums are locations where elders can nurture their knowledge
and curiosity. Our analysis showed that 61% (1,973 of 3,225) of elders
whose motivation to go to a museum was “Learn” reported the highest learning
score of 10, while 58% of those who did not report learning as a motivation
reported a learning score of 10 (4,142 of 7,194). Overall, compared with
younger adults (53%), a higher share of elderly visitors (60.5%) reported the
highest level of learning. Regardless of age group, or whether learning was an
explicit goal, most visitors report having learned something new after visiting.
In this way, elders and other adults are able to use museums for lifelong
learning as consistent with existing literature (Hsieh, 2010; Camic & Chatterjee, 2013; Galvanese
et al., 2014).
Physical Determinants:
Mobility, Time, Space
The spatial pattern of museums
demonstrates some dispersal of institutions with notable clustering around
Mexico City and Guadalajara. In general, the vast majority of museums recorded
in the INEGI (2018) survey (roughly 90%) are located in municipalities considered
as urban (return to Table 2 and Map 1). For elder and younger adult patrons
alike, this means that living in a rural area may make it harder to access
museums based on travel. For elders living in urban residences, who may be
closer to museum locations, transportation accessibility may be an important
factor shaping their museum use. This consideration is relevant considering
that approximately half of the visitors reported visits in which the trip was
not planned.
Table 6. Urban or Rural Origin. México.
|
Visitors |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
|
Urban
Origin |
115,737 |
97% |
10,083 |
97% |
|
Rural
Origin |
3,827 |
3% |
322 |
3% |
Source:
INEGI, 2018.
Contrary
to our hypothesis, older rural adults did not have lower rates of museum visits
than younger rural adults (though total numbers were lower). The survey data
indicates that in 2017 very few patrons reported living in rural
municipalities, regardless of age group. Of the 129,652 patrons in the sample,
4,149 (3%) reported dwelling in a rural municipality. As seen in Table 6,
adults aged 18-59 and adults over 60 who participated in the survey separately
reported the same rate (3%) of rural dwellings (3,831 of 119,224 and 334 of
10,419, respectively).
Table 7.
Average time travel and average time of visit (minutes) by gender. México.
|
Travel and Visit Times |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
||
|
Average time traveled (min) |
Average visit duration (min) |
Average time traveled (min) |
Average visit duration (min) |
|
|
Female |
51.7 |
61.7 |
60.7 |
66.1 |
|
Male |
54.3 |
58.8 |
61.5 |
61.5 |
Source: INEGI, 2018.
Using
data collected through the survey, we analyzed travel time and time spent in
the museum (see Table 7). On
average, older adults traveled longer periods and spent more time during the
visit. There were some differences across gender, with older females visiting
longer than older males. Table 8 shows travel times in greater detail. For rural dwellers, travel time followed similar patterns
between age groups. 78% of younger adults traveled one hour or less to reach
the museum destination, while 80% of elderly patrons took trips of that length.
The
majority of younger (54%) and elderly (59%) adults traveled 30 minutes or fewer
to their museum destination, older patrons being more likely to take short
trips. This was not surprising – as older patrons could be expected to prefer
shorter trips, or possibly transportation access could be a barrier for some
elders who would otherwise require longer trips. In terms of visit duration for
patrons coming from rural residences, young and old visitors alike reported
visits of up to one hour between 78 and 79 percent of the time (see Table 8).
Table 8. Travel Times by Age group: Rural vs.
Urban. México.
|
Minutes |
Rural |
Urban |
||||||
|
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
|||||
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
|
0-15 |
1,094 |
29% |
104 |
31% |
27,934 |
24% |
2,671 |
26% |
|
16-30 |
959 |
25% |
93 |
28% |
35,757 |
31% |
2,855 |
28% |
|
31-45 |
470 |
12% |
37 |
11% |
15,341 |
13% |
1,170 |
12% |
|
46-60 |
457 |
12% |
34 |
10% |
13,660 |
12% |
1,197 |
12% |
|
61-75 |
56 |
1% |
8 |
2% |
1,815 |
2% |
174 |
2% |
|
76-90 |
236 |
6% |
12 |
4% |
6,979 |
6% |
547 |
5% |
|
91-120 |
237 |
6% |
13 |
4% |
5,761 |
5% |
513 |
5% |
|
121-150 |
78 |
2% |
4 |
1% |
2,189 |
2% |
216 |
2% |
|
151+ |
244 |
6% |
29 |
9% |
5,957 |
5% |
741 |
7% |
Source:
INEGI, 2018.
The
preferred mode of transportation appeared to follow a more distinct pattern by
age, however. While younger and older adults from rural areas used private
vehicles at roughly the same rates (42.55% and 43.41%, respectively) and walked
at roughly the same rates (21.22% and 20.96%, respectively), their use of other
modes varied. 24.22% of younger rural adults used public transit, while only
19.42% of older adults did the same.
The
reduced use of public transit among elderly patrons is consistent with the literature
on public transit accessibility for their age group, following that the level
of public transit services tends to be less robust in less densely populated
areas and México, public transit is not designed adequately for older adults’
use (Melgar et al., 2013; García, 2016). It is
demonstrated that the use of public transit is a gesture of autonomy. It makes
the elderly “take control of their own lives” (Attoh,
2017: 205).
Older rural adults had
higher rates of use with tourist transport (7.19% vs. 4.10%) and taxis (7.19%
vs. 5.56%) compared to rural adults of age 18-59, consistent with the
literature. However, there are various alternate potential explanations of this
travel behavior. It may be the case that the rural elder patrons who choose to
visit museums may have more disposable income on average and therefore chose
more personalized, convenient, and subsequently more expensive modes of travel.
Meanwhile, finding that about 1 in 5 rural elderly patrons walks to museums
when only about 1 out of 10 museums are in rural areas may illustrate how some
rural elders are accustomed to walking. The rural proliferation of (especially
community) museums may also have helped increase access for people in rural
places where museums are, on average sparser. For both age cohorts and rural
vs. urban, see Graph 2 and Table 9.
Graph. 2. Urban and Rural Mode of Transport by
Age. México.
Source: INEGI, 2018.
Urban
dwellers, in general, attended at much higher rates (over 96% of the sample) as
compared to rural patrons. Where rural elders were slightly more likely than
younger adults to travel one hour or less, urban elders (78%) were slightly
less likely than younger adults (80%) to take trips of that length of time. In
this case, the reversal might be explained by closer museum proximity for urban
dwelling elders. For trips 30 minutes or fewer, the urban pattern was narrower
between age groups. Where 55% of urban younger adults traveled up to 30 minutes
to visit the museum, 55% of urban older adults made trips of similar lengths.
Shorter visit durations were less common for urban museum visitors across age
groups. 72% of younger patrons and 69% of older patrons visited for one hour or
less, whereas rural visitors visited an hour or less 78% of the time.
One
could hypothesize that visitors from rural areas who spend more time in transit
spend less time in the actual museum. Urban patron visits lasted an average of
about 60.9 minutes after an average one-way trip of 53.5 minutes. Rural patrons
visited for about 52.7 minutes on average after a one-way trip of 56.5 minutes.
However, when broken down by age, we find that longer trips do not necessitate
shorter visits. The average duration for younger adults was a 52.9-minute trip
and a 60.4-minute visit. Elderly visitors traveled an average of 61.1 minutes
and visited an average of 63.9 minutes. Longer durations among elderly patrons
could have various interpretations. Longer trips could mean that elders have
spatially further residences than younger adults or that the mode of transit
simply takes longer. Visit duration could also have multiple explanations - for
example, elders might be more motivated to engage in exhibits for longer, or
their age might impact the speed at which they view exhibitions.
Mode
of transit for urban patrons demonstrated some patterns consistent and some
inconsistent with those of rural patrons. Older adults used private vehicles
slightly more frequently than younger adults, with 47.48% and 44.71%
respectively. Age groups’ likelihood of walking was comparable with older
adults walking 12.77% and younger adults walking 13.61%. Surprisingly, urban
visitors (13.54%) chose to walk less frequently than rural visitors (21.20%).
Again, elders (24.20%) were less likely to use public transit than their
younger counterparts (30.20%), though both age groups rode transit more
frequently when coming from urban origins, both findings consistent with existing
literature. While urban elders (8.84%) continued to use tourist transportation
at higher rates than younger urban adults (4.53%), there was greater parity on
taxi use among groups (5.37% and 5.21%, respectively).
Table
9. Mode of transit by rural
or urban and age cohorts. México.
|
Mode of Transit |
Rural |
Urban |
||||||
|
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
|||||
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
|
Private Vehicle |
1,094 |
29% |
104 |
31% |
27,934 |
24% |
2,671 |
26% |
|
Public Transit |
928 |
24% |
65 |
19% |
34,853 |
30% |
2,440 |
24% |
|
Tourist Transit |
157 |
4% |
24 |
7% |
5,227 |
5% |
891 |
9% |
|
Taxi |
213 |
6% |
24 |
7% |
6,008 |
5% |
542 |
5% |
|
Bicycle |
52 |
1% |
4 |
1% |
746 |
1% |
50 |
1% |
|
Walking |
813 |
21% |
70 |
21% |
15,703 |
14% |
1288 |
13% |
|
Other |
38 |
1% |
2 |
1% |
1,269 |
1% |
85 |
1% |
Source: INEGI,
2018.
The
use of tourist transit over public transit appears to matter for older patrons.
In all, elderly and younger patrons appeared to use museums at similar rates.
Accessibility appeared to be more related to whether a resident lived in an
urban or rural setting than whether they were above or below 60. For elders,
proximity to museums appears to be important, as evidenced by high proportions
of trips under 30 minutes and surprising proportions of rural walking visitors.
Gender
Table 10 shows gender
differences in our sample of respondents. In this age group, women were about
as likely as men to visit a museum during that year. Elderly women did spend
longer times during their visits than their male counterparts and were more
likely to plan their visits. For both groups, family members
were the most common accompaniment. According to Toepoel (2013: 366), “Partners, children, and friends can
serve as facilitators for cultural participation for the oldest.” Women
reported going with a friend more often, and men reported going alone or with a
romantic partner. Elderly women’s lower likelihood of visiting alone could have
to do with a combination of cost, access, or safety issues.
Presumably, the majority of
partnered elderly visitors were in heterosexual relationships – so the
partnership findings may reflect sampling bias in the survey process (e.g.,
talking to one partner and not the other). However, these findings point to how
elderly males and females rely on social relationships for companionship in
their museum visits. Other notable findings include a difference in the method
of discovery, where males relied on prior knowledge more often, and females
relied on social relationships and tourist offices more often. That corresponds
with the transport mode findings, which demonstrate females were more likely to
use tourist transport and public transit, while males were more likely to walk
or take a personal vehicle.
Table 10. Gender differences among elderly
attendees. México.
|
Mode of
Transit |
Rural |
Urban |
||||||
|
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
Age 18-59 |
Age 60 and over |
|||||
|
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
Count |
Percent |
|
|
Private Vehicle |
1,094 |
29% |
104 |
31% |
27,934 |
24% |
2,671 |
26% |
|
Public Transit |
928 |
24% |
65 |
19% |
34,853 |
30% |
2,440 |
24% |
|
Tourist Transit |
157 |
4% |
24 |
7% |
5,227 |
5% |
891 |
9% |
|
Taxi |
213 |
6% |
24 |
7% |
6,008 |
5% |
542 |
5% |
|
Bicycle |
52 |
1% |
4 |
1% |
746 |
1% |
50 |
1% |
|
Walking |
813 |
21% |
70 |
21% |
15,703 |
14% |
1288 |
13% |
|
Other |
38 |
1% |
2 |
1% |
1,269 |
1% |
85 |
1% |
Source: INEGI, 2018.
Discussion and Conclusion
In this paper, we sought to
explore elderly museum use and access in Mexico using new national level data
in the context of active ageing, with a focus on personal, social, and physical
dimensions. We found that some elders are able to use museums for recreation,
learning, and maintaining social connection and engagement, though their
preferences and obstacles may at times vary from those of younger adults. At
the same time, some findings hint at potential exclusivities that may reduce
the ability to participate in certain groups. We consider future avenues for
research below.
While we did not
measure the average price of entry or senior discount information,[2] we know that having leisure time and disposable
income are signs of relative class advantage, in addition to transportation
options like private vehicles. Other hints that income/wealth matters include
the high proportion of highly educated visitors among elderly and younger
adults, the use of tourist industry services to learn about, travel to and
visit museums, and the ability to visit without planning, as reported by nearly
half of respondents. How income/wealth precisely impacts the interest, access,
and use of museums by elderly visitors in Mexico and elsewhere is a worthwhile
area of continued study.
We are also able
to infer the importance of proximity and transportation access to museum use.
Since 48% of visitors did not plan their visits, and over 50% of visitors in
each age group in both rural and urban locations traveled 30 min or fewer to
reach a museum, it appears that convenience helps to play a role. This finding
should be analyzed in the context of ability differences among elders –
continuing to find ways to enhance design and programming to enable people with
mobility support needs to enjoy museums would likely improve the active ageing
potential of museums. Similarly, women relied more heavily on public transport
matters – in places where transit is sparse, this may affect some women’s
ability to visit. Transportation access will largely be decided by local and
regional planning and policy decisions and, therefore, likely be outside museum
purview. Still, museums might in some cases, be able to partner with public
transit agencies or private transportation companies for specialized services
to improve access.
Findings also
hint at other opportunities to support active ageing through museum
programming. While 44% of museums in the INEGI database reported providing arts
and cultural programming, only 5% of respondents in the same year reported
using such services. Elders in particular, and adults in general, report
cultural engagement as a priority motivation to visit and likely achieve a
degree of cultural satisfaction through exhibits and guided visits. However,
activities outside of exhibits might offer greater opportunities for meeting
new people, considering that most of the social interactions we measured among
elders were based on preexisting social relationships. For folks who visit
alone or individuals who could use an expanded social network, such structured
activities could be helpful. In general, greater qualitative and qualitative
inquiry into the curiosities and interests of existing and potential patrons
could help create museum spaces that invite and retain elderly visits. Lastly,
museums offer institutional mechanisms to support lifelong learning. Whether or
not learning was reported as a motivation, a high proportion of visitors
reported high learning outcomes. To continue to support active ageing,
increasing museums access and use among elders will be critical.
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Oscar Gerardo Hernández-Lara
Mexicano. Doctor
por la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Es maestro en estudios regionales por el
Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José María Luis Mora y licenciado en
planeación territorial por la Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México.
Actualmente se desempeña como profesor de tiempo completo en la
Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Políticas de la Universidad Autónoma de Baja
California. Sus áreas
de investigación e interés son: envejecimiento demográfico, migraciones internacionales, estudios
socioterritoriales, estudios rurales. Sus publicaciones recientes
son: Residential Moves Into and Away from Los Angeles Rail Transit
Neighborhoods: Adding Insight to the Gentrification and Displacement Debate y Envejecimiento y rejuvenecimiento en localidades
rurales en México. Apuntes en prospectiva.
Benjamin Toney
American. Doctoral Candidate in Urban Planning and
Development at the University of Southern California. Mexican.
Bachelor’s Degree in Urban and Environmental Policy from Occidental College.
Areas of interest include marginalized populations, urban form and social
structure, racial justice, and progressive housing activism. His recent
publications include: Boarnet,
M. G., Giuliano, G., Painter, G., Kang, S., Lathia,
S., & Toney, B. (2019). Does transportation access affect the ability to
recruit and retain logistics workers? In Empowering the New Mobility Workforce, pp. 189-219,
Elsevier.